The **production of space in the Global South** has become a topic of growing interest among urban planners and development theorists due to the profound differences between the urbanization processes of this region and those of the Global North. Unlike cities in the North, which generally follow more structured and centralized models of urban planning, cities in the Global South are characterized by more informal, unequal, and dynamic expansion. Authors such as **Jennifer Robinson** and **Edgar Pieterse** have examined these processes to highlight how traditional models of urbanization, based on the experiences of developed countries, do not adequately apply to the urban realities of the Global South. Jennifer Robinson, in her work **“Ordinary Cities: Between Modernity and Development,”** offers a fundamental critique of the way urban theory has been dominated by studies focused on cities in the Global North.
Robinson argues that cities in the Global South should not be viewed as “backward” or as being in a “transitional phase,” but rather as legitimate urban spaces operating under their own specific and contextual conditions. For Robinson, cities in the Global South are **“ordinary cities,”** with their own development logics, and their particular characteristics should not be ignored by universal urban theories that consider them outside the norm. In this sense, her work challenges the tendency to compare these cities with Western models of urbanization and advocates for greater attention to their specific characteristics. Edgar Pieterse, in **“City Futures: Confronting the Crisis of Urban Development,”** reinforces the idea that cities in the Global South cannot be fully understood through the conventional theoretical frameworks developed in the Global North.
Pieterse emphasizes that urbanization in the Global South is deeply intertwined with the dynamics of **poverty, informality, and fragmented governance**. Cities in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, for example, face challenges such as a lack of basic services, informality in housing and employment, and the absence of coherent government planning. However, Pieterse also sees these cities as having significant potential for urban innovation, where informal solutions often emerge from communities themselves, creating alternative forms of urban space production that challenge traditional categories. A central characteristic of urbanization in the Global South is the prevalence of **informality**, both in housing and in the economy.
Robinson and Pieterse agree that a large proportion of the urban population in these regions lives in informal settlements, where infrastructure is precarious and public services are limited or nonexistent. However, rather than being considered a failure of urban development, informality in many of these cities represents a form of spatial and social organization that allows people to survive in contexts of resource scarcity. This type of urbanization does not conform to traditional planning models, but it is a central phenomenon in the production of space in the Global South. Furthermore, urbanization processes in the Global South are also deeply influenced by the dynamics of **globalization**, which have intensified spatial inequalities within cities.
Pieterse points out that the arrival of international investment, particularly in sectors such as real estate and infrastructure, has led to the creation of exclusive enclaves for local and foreign elites, while large segments of the population continue to live in conditions of poverty. This fragmentation of urban space reinforces pre-existing inequalities and creates tensions between the formal and informal sectors of the city. The challenges faced by cities in the Global South should not be viewed solely as problems to be solved from an external perspective, but rather as opportunities to rethink conventional urban theories. Robinson and Pieterse argue that cities in the Global South offer important lessons about how people create **innovative and resilient solutions** in the face of adversity.
These processes, although often disorderly and fragmented, challenge traditional ideas about how cities should function and provide an alternative framework for understanding the production of urban space. In conclusion, the production of space in the Global South challenges the dominant theoretical models of urbanism developed in the Global North. Authors such as **Jennifer Robinson and Edgar Pieterse** emphasize that cities in the South must be understood on their own terms, recognizing **informality and inequality** as key factors shaping their urbanization. By analyzing these processes, it is possible not only to expand our understanding of global urbanization, but also to find new ways of thinking about urban development in an increasingly unequal world.
