Key points
- Postwar renewal demolished whole poor neighbourhoods; regeneration changed the name but not the risk.
- Smith explains reinvestment through the rent gap and Zukin through the sale of authenticity that destroys what it promises.
- Storper: reurbanization works where an agglomeration economy fills it, and it concentrates wealth.
Reurbanization and urban renewal are the processes by which cities rebuild already urbanised areas, old ports, factories, stations, run-down neighbourhoods, for new uses, and they are at once the greatest opportunity and the greatest risk of contemporary planning. The opportunity is to use serviced, central land instead of spreading the city; the risk is that improvement expels those who lived there. Three authors have set the terms of the debate: the sociologist Sharon Zukin, who studied the commodification of urban authenticity; the geographer Neil Smith, who explained the economic logic of gentrification; and the economist Michael Storper, who analysed why cities prosper or decline.
From postwar urban renewal to regeneration
Urban renewal has a history worth remembering. In the United States, the Housing Act of 1949 funded the demolition of whole neighbourhoods declared blighted, almost always poor and Black, to build highways, civic centres and towers, in operations that Jane Jacobs denounced and that displaced hundreds of thousands of families. In Europe, postwar reconstruction and the housing estates of the 1960s followed similar logics. That experience left a lesson: renewal that replaces the population instead of improving its conditions destroys more than it builds, and from the 1980s the vocabulary changed to regeneration and reurbanization without the risk disappearing.
Neil Smith and Sharon Zukin: rent gap and the sale of authenticity
Smith explained in The New Urban Frontier (1996) why capital returns to the centres it had abandoned. His rent gap theory shows that prior disinvestment creates the opportunity: when the difference between what land yields and what it could yield grows large, reinvestment becomes profitable, and renewal is presented as the reconquest of an urban frontier. Zukin, in Naked City (2010), adds the cultural dimension: neighbourhoods are sold for their authenticity, their markets, workshops and diversity, and that sale destroys what it promises by replacing the shops and residents who produced it with chains and higher-income newcomers.
Michael Storper: the economics of agglomeration behind reurbanization
Storper supplies the economics of agglomeration. In Keys to the City (2013) he argues that cities grow or decline according to their capacity to concentrate skilled employment, innovative firms and knowledge networks, and that the reurbanization of centres reflects the return of those activities to dense, connected places. His analysis explains why regeneration works in London, Amsterdam or Boston and fails in cities without an economic base: a rehabilitated port attracts no investment if there is no economy to fill it. He also warns that agglomeration concentrates wealth and raises housing costs, and that policy must redistribute those benefits.
HafenCity, King's Cross, Bilbao and Docklands: cases and conditions
The cases show the range. HafenCity in Hamburg, Europe's largest reurbanization on a former port, combines offices, culture and housing with a share of subsidised housing that was expanded after criticism. King's Cross in London regenerated railway lands with a plan that includes affordable housing, privately managed public space and technology headquarters, and is cited at once as a model and as an example of privatisation. Bilbao turned its industrial estuary into the symbol of the Guggenheim effect. London's Docklands, by contrast, were regenerated with little social housing and the displacement of the earlier population.
The joint lesson is that reurbanization is desirable, because it reuses land and avoids sprawl, but it is only just under conditions: affordable and public housing in a substantial share, the right of residents to stay and return, protection of existing shops and jobs, public space that remains public and a real economic base to sustain the new uses. Zukin, Smith and Storper agree that the market, left alone, produces renewal with displacement, and that the difference between regenerating and expelling is made by policy.
Frequently asked questions
What is the difference between urban renewal and reurbanization?
Classic urban renewal, from the 1949 US Housing Act, demolished blighted neighbourhoods to replace them; today's reurbanization rebuilds already urbanised areas, ports, factories, stations, for new uses, and shares with the former the risk of displacing the population.
What conditions make urban regeneration just?
Affordable and public housing in a substantial share, residents' right to stay and return, protection of existing shops and jobs, public space that remains public and a real economic base to sustain the new uses.